What kind of democracy is there without streets?

In the case of Italy, on September 22, 2025, thousands of people took to the streets from Milan to Sicily to protest the genocide in Gaza. The situation brought the country to a standstill, with train stations, schools, and ports such as Genoa and Livorno closed, where dockworkers blocked cargo traffic because “Italy is being used as a hub for the transport of weapons to Israel.” In Rome, more than 20,000 people chanted “Free Palestine” outside Termini station. The tension at the demonstrations escalated, with groups dressed in black attempting to break down the main entrance to the station in Milan, smoke bombs and stones were thrown, and the police responded with pepper spray; resulting in 10 arrests and 60 injured police officers. Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni condemned the incidents, attributing them to “violent minorities with no connection to solidarity.”

Earlier this October, following the clashes, local authorities in Bologna banned a pro-Palestinian demonstration on the grounds that there was a “serious risk of unrest.” The Giovani Palestinesi organization announced that it would try to gather despite the ban, with the Israeli ambassador to Italy stating that “the event would glorify October 7” and that he had “cooperated with the authorities” to cancel it. In May 2025, the Italian government brought a bill before Parliament that criminalizes even traditional forms of civil disobedience. Decree-Law 48/2025 criminalizes “illegal occupation of property” with penalties of up to seven years in prison and obstruction of traffic with penalties of up to two years in prison. The legislation also expands police powers and provides financial support to police officers who exceed their duties. In response, Amnesty International has described the legislation as “draconian, creating a hostile environment and attempting to silence dissent” among environmental activists, people experiencing poverty, and racial communities to experience the consequences of the bill disproportionately.

Italy, however, is not an exception, but rather indicative of the trend. This year’s Rule of Law report noted an increase in restrictions on protest in all states – from preventive bans to disproportionate violence and punitive legislative reforms. In Germany, a temporary general ban on pro-Palestinian demonstrations was imposed in Berlin; in Estonia, the police banned a demonstration that was later deemed illegal; in Belgium, fines and administrative penalties were imposed for the mere possession of a Palestinian flag, while in Hungary, now recognised as the European experiment in authoritarian practices, 15 attempts to organise protests were successively banned on the grounds of “public safety.” Although Italy is not alone in implementing these practices, it is not the only country that—fortunately—is reacting to the restrictions. Social conflict in Europe is creating a paradox: while governments are increasingly restricting the right to protest, social mobilization is not only continuing but expanding. Europe is going through a period of “democratic regression but also strong resistance”; and solidarity with Gaza has given rise to a “broad wave” of activism, which is often met with “heavy repression.”

The protests may not have stopped genocide, for example, and it is not their job—but that of governments—to exercise control and enforce international law, rather than restricting the demand and the way it is expressed. These actions have changed something deeper, the way ordinary people enter politics through moral shock and reclaim the responsibility of democracy. The voices on the street continue to be heard, making democracy and its reflexes relevant and active, despite reactions to its deterioration, with the latter being caused more by those who want it corrupted than by those who seek it.