{"id":65329,"date":"2025-11-13T07:20:47","date_gmt":"2025-11-13T07:20:47","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/de-labeling-genz-protests\/"},"modified":"2025-12-04T16:39:50","modified_gmt":"2025-12-04T16:39:50","slug":"odhalovanie-nalepiek-protestov-generacie-z","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/odhalovanie-nalepiek-protestov-generacie-z\/","title":{"rendered":"Odha\u013eovanie n\u00e1lepiek protestov \u201egener\u00e1cie Z\u201c"},"content":{"rendered":"<p> Beyond the label <\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">There has been much discussion in recent years about viewing our era as one of <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/news\/entertainment-arts-63458467\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">permacrisis<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, and just as much about mass mobilizations at the international level, mobilizations with a strong impact that are framed as youthful, packaged as <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">&#8220;Gen Z protests&#8221;,<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> often with an optimistic tone that can spark utopian discourse and sometimes linked to the permacrisis era, not a <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/logeion.uchicago.edu\/%CE%BA%CF%81%CE%AF%CF%83%CE%B9%CF%82\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">crisis (\u03ba\u03c1\u03af\u03c3\u03b9\u03c2)<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in the classic sense of judgment but rather an upheaval. <\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The label &#8220;Gen Z protests&#8221; is used more as a guide to understanding a generation than the movements themselves, linking them, of course, to digital nativity, recognition of a horizontal organization, and a moralized rage. Although rather a sexy brand, this generalization risks promoting these movements as &#8220;depoliticized anti-systemic&#8221; than diverse content, overshadowing the interdisciplinarity of the participants and overlooking the structural causes that trigger the protest\u2014with the latest and most characteristic example being the case of Nepal, framed in the international news at the beginning as a revolution against the ban on social media.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">With the rise of <a href=\"https:\/\/www.britannica.com\/topic\/realpolitik\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">realpolitik<\/a> as a filter for perceiving things, utopian rhetoric is in decline. Of course, what this rhetoric seeks and what realpolitik considers is another discussion with implications for the restriction of democratic space in favor of an irregular <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.biepag.eu\/blog\/what-is-a-stabilitocracy\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">stabilitocracy<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">. As for Gen Z, it is not &#8220;the future&#8221; but already a decisive factor in the present. It is the generation that exploits the speed and interconnectedness of platforms to transcend geographical and institutional boundaries and organize hybrid forms of action that end up on the streets. However, its age identity, as the core of an \u201cenlightened generation\u201d, can cover up the harsh reality of a political economy that breeds the anger of this generation: economic insecurity, growing inequality, the state as big-brother, along with political choices that lead to environmental decline and institutional unreliability, define the framework that drives these movements into action. It is clear that viewing these youth movements under the label &#8220;Gen Z&#8221; as an interpretive passe-partout is rather inadequate.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These movements have proven their success at times, with victories such as the withdrawal of bills, but <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.theelephant.info\/analysis\/2025\/08\/22\/gen-zs-political-coming-of-age-breaking-cycles-through-alternative-systems\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">absorption<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> by the old political system remains a constant threat.Proposals for inclusive, democratic, and collaborative reforms are being sidelined by short-term anti-corruption campaigns and savior-like movements that address symptoms rather than root causes.<\/span><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n<p dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">Gen Z protesters clash with the police as tensions rise in Lima, Peru\u2019s capital city. The protests were fueled by anger over corruption scandals, economic insecurity and other factors <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/PFtwa2WSya\">pic.twitter.com\/PFtwa2WSya<\/a><\/p>\n<p>\u2014 Reuters (@Reuters) <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/Reuters\/status\/1972582117466161302?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">September 29, 2025<\/a><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.twitter.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.theguardian.com\/world\/2025\/sep\/08\/nepal-bans-26-social-media-sites-including-x-whatsapp-and-youtube\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><br \/>\n<img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" class=\"alignnone wp-image-53428 size-full\" src=\"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/e3e11ad1-113e-4666-975b-8c6df3b45d3e.png\" alt=\"\" width=\"2048\" height=\"1016\" srcset=\"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/e3e11ad1-113e-4666-975b-8c6df3b45d3e.png 2048w, https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/e3e11ad1-113e-4666-975b-8c6df3b45d3e-768x381.png 768w, https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2025\/10\/e3e11ad1-113e-4666-975b-8c6df3b45d3e-1536x762.png 1536w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 2048px) 100vw, 2048px\" \/><br \/>\n<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-size: 8px; color: #666; text-align: right; margin-top: 2px;\">\u00a9 The Guardian \u2014 <em>Nepal bans 26 social media sites including X, WhatsApp and YouTube<\/em> (8 September 2025)<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In Europe, young people do not seem to be &#8220;withdrawing&#8221; from politics; but are <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/europeandemocracyhub.epd.eu\/misunderstanding-youth-activism\/?utm_source=chatgpt.com\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">redesigning<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> the channels of participation, from mutual aid and artistic protest to digital narratives demanding equal access to decisions and not symbolic &#8220;youth corners.&#8221; The shift here is decisive in terms of their conceptual treatment, because it is not &#8220;youth as topic&#8221; but &#8220;youth as method,&#8221; a methodology that promotes confrontational creativity and does not patronize &#8220;safe&#8221; avenues of participation. Today, Serbia is a laboratory of limits and possibilities, of a student movement that began with demands for accountability and progressed to a wider civic struggle, transforming the &#8220;scandal&#8221; into a broader critique of inequality and corruption.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The conclusion is not to abandon the term &#8220;Gen Z&#8221;\u2014it is to decolonize it. As a descriptive concept, it may be helpful, but as an interpretive dogma, it obscures class, gender, ethnic position, center-periphery divisions, as well as the architecture of power (law, police, media, markets), with the Serbian case reminding us that labels do not easily fit into pluralistic, competitive processes.<\/span><\/p>\n<h2><strong>The Problem of oversimplification<\/strong><\/h2>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The concept of &#8220;Gen Z protests&#8221; is appealing to the media and political communication, offering a seemingly straightforward and transparent framework for interpretation, focusing on the younger generation of citizens. But, it is this very use of the concept of &#8220;generation&#8221; as an interpretative filter that reinforces stereotypical narratives rather than recognizing the multiplicity and complexity of these movements.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This oversimplification leads to a perception of identical uniformity, implying a shared experience and a common political imagination, whereas in reality the young people participating in protests come from different social strata, classes, genders, and cultural backgrounds, making the recognition of internal diversity a prerequisite for justice. This is because the elimination of heterogeneity in the name of a &#8220;generation&#8221; leads to a form of &#8220;political silencing&#8221; of those who do not fit the stereotype, but also highlights the problem of political capitalisation because, at the end of the day, if these issues are shifted from their political content to a pseudo-demographic narrative, the power relations that make movements active are sidelined.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This difficulty in the political capitalization of movements has to do with how they are perceived\u2014because when they remain &#8220;Gen Z protests,&#8221; they are defined in an apolitical narrative, presenting them more as a generational expression of &#8220;rage&#8221; and less as conscious politics on the one hand, while on the other hand, the underestimation of their limits, loading them with utopian exaggerations as harbingers of a radically new society, without recognizing that utopia does not exist; but what exists are problems that societies must deal with a political horizon. In the end, when the inevitable disappointment comes, the movement is stigmatized as a failure. Overall, the framework of &#8220;Gen Z protests&#8221; functions as a schematization that depoliticizes or treats the issue superficially, does not illuminate the complexities of collective action, but rather incorporates them into a category that is accessible to media communication but poor in theoretical value.<\/span><\/p>\n<section>\n<h1 style=\"color: white;\"><strong><em><br \/>\n\u201cthe elimination of heterogeneity in the name of a &#8220;generation&#8221; leads to a form of &#8220;political silencing&#8221; of those who do not fit the stereotype, but also highlights the problem of political capitalisation because, at the end of the day, if these issues are shifted from their political content to a pseudo-demographic narrative, the power relations that make movements active are sidelined.\u201d<br \/>\n<\/em><\/strong><\/h1>\n<\/section>\n<blockquote class=\"twitter-tweet\">\n<p dir=\"ltr\" lang=\"en\">Thousands of Gen Z protesters hit the streets to protest corruption in Madagascar.<\/p>\n<p>The protesters defied the Government&#8217;s ban on protests following water and power outages. <a href=\"https:\/\/t.co\/HP85DJF4EL\">pic.twitter.com\/HP85DJF4EL<\/a><\/p>\n<p>\u2014 Africa Facts Zone (@AfricaFactsZone) <a href=\"https:\/\/twitter.com\/AfricaFactsZone\/status\/1971940346100867097?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">September 27, 2025<\/a><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p><script async src=\"https:\/\/platform.twitter.com\/widgets.js\" charset=\"utf-8\"><\/script><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The name itself is already a classification of reality; characterizing a protest as &#8220;youthful&#8221; places it in a specific value framework, and this framework is twofold: it emphasizes the freshness and dynamism of youth but at the same time it often reduces it to a temporary, almost frivolous outburst of emotion. The result is the creation of a myth about youth that carries both positive and negative connotations but does not generate political dialogue with serious political consequences, where young people are deprived of their status as political subjects, turning them into a mass without a stable identity that needs interpretation and control. The power holders have every interest in presenting the protests as the result of a &#8220;rebellious,&#8221; &#8220;naive&#8221; generation, let&#8217;s say rebels without a cause\u2014downplaying the demands, the criticism of institutional corruption, the inequalities, the accusations of police violence. If, in the end, the political, the concept of the political, is constructed around the concept of <\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/ia601704.us.archive.org\/3\/items\/carl-schmitt-der-begriff-des-politischen-1932\/Carl%20Schmitt%20Der%20Begriff%20des%20Politischen%2C%201932.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">friend-enemy<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, then by viewing these movements as a by-product of Gen Z, we remove them from this spectrum, undermining them as &#8220;social noise.&#8221;<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Finally, we should recognize that the framing of &#8220;Gen Z protest&#8221; produces a post-political mythology, making the protests digestible in a narrative about &#8220;the rebellious generation,&#8221; while at the same time rendering them expendable. Criticism of &#8220;Gen Z protest&#8221; is not merely literary; it is political, allowing us to reflect on how the terms of public discourse determine what is understood as political action and who is considered a citizen. The generational label distracts attention from political and social demands, transforming complex movements into a cultural phenomenon that can be easily consumed and quickly forgotten, where a &#8220;generational&#8221; rebellion can go viral overnight and by the following week has already been assimilated into the news cycle, giving way to the next trend. <\/span><\/p>\n<h2><em>\u201cThus, instead of functioning dialectically and leading to consensus or creative synthesis, ideological pluralism can become a field of fundamental differences and internal fragmentation. Generational identity, rather than empowering, can limit the horizon of political imagination if it is not linked to clear strategies for social change.\u201d<\/em><\/h2>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The issue, of course, is not just the rejection of labels, which we must be critical of, but rather the need for movements to develop forms of organization and political imagination that transcend the labels and narratives imposed on them, creating structures that endure beyond the initial explosion, inventing ways to exert constant pressure on the state and institutions, and building intergenerational and cross-class alliances. <\/span><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Post-politics is the field where words and images replace action, so what we need to do is return to action as something that creates reality. This means imagining politics not as a &#8220;moment of youthful spontaneous outburst,&#8221; but as a long process of forming new forms of collectivity and new ways of participation.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When even movements themselves adopt a \u201cGen Z identity\u201d as self-definition, there is a risk that this generational label will serve as a substitute for political content. While issues such as transparency, accountability, and the replacement of corrupt elites are fundamental, the absence of a broader political horizon leaves open the possibility that mobilizations will become trapped in a narrow generational narrative. Thus, instead of functioning dialectically and leading to consensus or creative synthesis, ideological pluralism can become a field of fundamental differences and internal ulta-fragmentation. Generational identity, rather than empowering, can limit the horizon of political imagination if it is not linked to clear strategies for social change. In other words, mobilizations will acquire historical depth and political significance when they manage to be recognized as part of an ongoing struggle for the redistribution of discourse, power, and social resources, and are transformed into processes of continuous transformation.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Beyond the label There has been much discussion in recent years about viewing our era as one of permacrisis, and just as much about mass mobilizations at the international level, mobilizations with a strong impact [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":355,"featured_media":65308,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[722,727,723,665,571],"tags":[13306,3070,16734,16735,16736,16737,16738,11591,16739,16740,16741,16742,16413,16743,16744,16745,16746,11834,16747,16748],"post_formats":[673],"coauthors":[4037],"class_list":["post-65329","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-aktualne-dianie","category-mladez","category-rozmanitost-a-inkluzia","category-spajanie-bodiek","category-vseobecne","tag-collective-action-sk","tag-democratic-participation-sk","tag-depoliticization-sk","tag-digital-activism-sk","tag-gen-z-protests-sk","tag-horizontal-organization-sk","tag-hybrid-mobilization-sk","tag-inequality-sk","tag-institutional-distrust-sk","tag-media-framing-sk","tag-moralized-rage-sk","tag-permacrisis-sk","tag-political-economy-sk","tag-political-silencing-sk","tag-post-politics-sk","tag-protest-narratives-sk","tag-realpolitik-sk","tag-social-movements-sk","tag-stabilitocracy-sk","tag-youth-movements-sk","post_formats-clanky"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/65329","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/355"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=65329"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/65329\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":65331,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/65329\/revisions\/65331"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/65308"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=65329"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=65329"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=65329"},{"taxonomy":"post_formats","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/post_formats?post=65329"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/sk\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=65329"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}