{"id":8356,"date":"2025-06-21T16:16:48","date_gmt":"2025-06-21T16:16:48","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/?p=8356"},"modified":"2025-06-20T16:22:07","modified_gmt":"2025-06-20T16:22:07","slug":"gamificarea-nationalismului-afd-si-politica-apartenentei-emotionale","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/gamificarea-nationalismului-afd-si-politica-apartenentei-emotionale\/","title":{"rendered":"Gamificarea na\u021bionalismului: AfD \u0219i politica apartenen\u021bei emo\u021bionale"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
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\"Colaj<\/span><\/p>\n

Colaj de Yorgos Karagiorgos Elemente: \u00a9 Muhammet Okur \/ Al Jazeera \u00b7 \u00a9 RomaToday (graffiti: \u201eIl Ritorno\u201d \u2013 afi\u0219 de Laika, cu Alice Weidel \u00een uniform\u0103 nazist\u0103 cu musta\u021b\u0103 Hitler) Titlu: Die R\u00fcckkehr \u2013 Il Ritorno<\/span><\/h6>\n<\/div>\n

Fa\u021ba noii propagande<\/b><\/span><\/h1>\n

Deruleaz\u0103, deruleaz\u0103, deruleaz\u0103-rol\u0103 – O t\u00e2n\u0103r\u0103 z\u00e2mbe\u0219te, \u021bin\u00e2nd \u00een m\u00e2n\u0103 un balon \u00een form\u0103 de avion; legenda spune \u201eCompanii aeriene pentru deportare\u201d. Deruleaz\u0103, deruleaz\u0103, deruleaz\u0103-rol\u0103 – un b\u0103rbat german generat de inteligen\u021b\u0103 artificial\u0103, blond \u0219i masculin, protejeaz\u0103 \u201epia\u021ba german\u0103\u201d de imigran\u021bii genera\u021bi de inteligen\u021b\u0103 artificial\u0103, \u00eenso\u021bi\u021bi de toate stereotipurile relevante, care v\u00e2nd droguri. Cele de mai sus nu sunt produsul unui episod din \u201eBlack Mirror\u201d; realitatea a dep\u0103\u0219it-o. Con\u021binutul relevant face parte din reclamele electorale reale ale AfD [AfD, Alternativ\u0103 pentru Germania. Este un partid na\u021bionalist de extrem\u0103 dreapta cunoscut pentru opiniile sale anti-imigra\u021bie \u0219i anti-UE], din edit\u0103ri TikTok \u0219i con\u021binut generat de fani, model\u00e2nd un nou univers politic \u00een care puterea nu se bazeaz\u0103 doar pe persuasiune prin retoric\u0103 sau ideologie, ci pe implicarea emo\u021bional\u0103 a identit\u0103\u021bii cu publicul<\/span> (4<\/a> ); (5<\/a> ); (11<\/a> ).<\/span><\/p>\n

Aceast\u0103 descriere \u00eentruchipeaz\u0103 conceptul de propagand\u0103 participativ\u0103, cu interac\u021biune activ\u0103 cu con\u021binutul prin partajare \u0219i produc\u021bie sub acelea\u0219i coduri. Prin distribuirea acestui con\u021binut, se creeaz\u0103 un sistem \u00een care ideologia este remixat\u0103 \u0219i estetizat\u0103, utiliz\u00e2nd \u00een acela\u0219i timp utilizatorii pentru a co-crea con\u021binut cu meme-uri, sunete, elemente vizuale bazate pe inteligen\u021b\u0103 artificial\u0103 \u0219i hashtag-uri, pentru a crea o comunitate a unei na\u021biuni imaginare \u00een care publicul colaboreaz\u0103 la r\u0103sp\u00e2ndirea nara\u021biunilor rasiste, anti-sistem \u0219i neo-na\u021bionaliste<\/span>(<\/span> 4<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Cosmogonia estetic\u0103 a AfD nu se limiteaz\u0103 la o simpl\u0103 multiplicare a adep\u021bilor; printr-o strategie bazat\u0103 pe batjocur\u0103, meme-uri, repeti\u021bii virale \u0219i utilizarea muzicii, a reu\u0219it s\u0103 investeasc\u0103 \u00eentr-o estetic\u0103 ce transform\u0103 politica \u00een recognoscibil\u0103 \u0219i, prin urmare, are succes, deoarece evoc\u0103 emo\u021bii identificate cu aceast\u0103 politic\u0103 = vibra\u021bii, promov\u00e2nd ostilitatea, umorul \u0219i frica. Politicieni precum Alice Weidel<\/a> (liderul AfD) dob\u00e2ndesc statutul de \u201einfluenceri\u201d, \u00een timp ce participarea utilizatorilor la discursul digital creeaz\u0103 o iluzie de co-creare a politicilor<\/span>(<\/span> 4<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span> <\/p>\n

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@revo.2025<\/a> Alice Weidel a dezv\u0103luit Linken \u0219i benennt die wahren Extremisten | #afd<\/a> #aliceweidel<\/a> #dielinke<\/a> #politik<\/a> #deutschland<\/a> #extremismus<\/a> #germany<\/a> #politics<\/a> \u266c sonido original \u2013 \ud83d\udd31 Brosly \ud83d\udd31<\/a><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Num\u0103rul conturilor de fani care promoveaz\u0103 con\u021binut \u00een favoarea AfD (12.790, comparativ cu doar 873 pentru SPD) arat\u0103 c\u0103 participarea la extinderea acestui univers estetic este \u00eent\u0103rit\u0103 de affordances \u00een sine, cu \u00eembog\u0103\u021bire prin instrumente de remix, muzic\u0103 \u0219i o implicare sporit\u0103 prin comentarii, rezult\u00e2nd o cre\u0219tere impulsionat\u0103 de algoritm. Utilizatorul mediu cu o \u00eenclina\u021bie spre AfD poate deveni un produc\u0103tor de nara\u021biune politic\u0103, folosind sloganuri precum \u201eDeutschland braucht die AfD\u201d (Germania are nevoie de AfD) \u0219i anime-uri. Rezultatul este depolitizarea politicii, con\u021binutul devenind atractiv nu datorit\u0103 ideilor sale, ci datorit\u0103 modului \u00een care este transformat \u00eentr-un produs estetic, de consum, cre\u00e2nd – dac\u0103 nu con\u0219tiin\u021b\u0103 – atunci tendin\u021be<\/span> (<\/span> 1<\/span><\/a> );<\/span>(<\/span> 4<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Potrivit lui Julian Hohner, \u00eens\u0103, aceast\u0103 participare nu este spontan\u0103, ci calculat\u0103, deoarece aceast\u0103 campanie digital\u0103 este \u00eent\u0103rit\u0103 de un algoritm care \u201e\u00eempinge utilizatorii \u00een ni\u0219te ni\u0219te g\u0103uri radicale\u201d, unde extrema devine mainstream. Idealizarea vizual\u0103 a \u201epurit\u0103\u021bii\u201d germane \u0219i prezentarea simultan\u0103 a imigran\u021bilor ca \u201eumbre\u201d prin intermediul imaginilor generate de inteligen\u021ba artificial\u0103 reprezint\u0103 o continuare a motivelor propagandistice din perioada nazist\u0103, acum \u00eent\u0103rite de instrumente de inteligen\u021b\u0103 artificial\u0103 (<\/span> 9<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Totu\u0219i, con\u0219tientizarea faptului c\u0103 acest con\u021binut \u201esuperficial\u201d va fi promovat nu implic\u0103 neap\u0103rat c\u0103 gamificarea superficial\u0103 a con\u021binutului politic duce nu doar la depolitizare, ci \u0219i c\u0103 ace\u0219ti creatori nu sunt activi\u0219ti organiza\u021bi politic, ci utilizatori tineri care abordeaz\u0103 TikTok ca pe o scen\u0103 \u00een care stilul prevaleaz\u0103 asupra substan\u021bei, iar estetica AfD este reprodus\u0103 sub form\u0103 de mod\u0103 sau meme-uri (<\/span> 5<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Un exemplu tipic de reproducere a ideologiei AfD prin con\u021binut estetic \u2013 care, \u00eens\u0103, nu se refer\u0103 la aceasta direct, ci indirect \u0219i ideologic \u2013 este scandarea \u201eAusl\u00e4nder raus, Deutschland den Deutschen\u201d (Str\u0103inii afar\u0103, Germania pentru germani), pe care diver\u0219i copii boga\u021bi care petrec o c\u00e2nt\u0103, neparticip\u00e2nd la o lupt\u0103 ideologic\u0103, ci la o reprezentare a puterii, reac\u021biei \u0219i opozi\u021biei culturale. Astfel, politica devine o experien\u021b\u0103, o alt\u0103 parte a vibra\u021biilor feed-ului, necesar\u0103 nu pentru c\u0103 este persuasiv\u0103, ci pentru c\u0103 ofer\u0103 identitate, apartenen\u021b\u0103 \u0219i un cadru estetic \u00een care se poate \u201efi ceva\u201d chiar dac\u0103 doar temporar, chiar dac\u0103 ironic, chiar dac\u0103 cu o oarecare lejeritate (<\/span> 6<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span> <\/p>\n

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@fantasymo<\/a> AFD a C\u00c2\u0218TIGAT #ai<\/a> #anima\u021bie<\/a> #politic\u0103<\/a> #istorie<\/a> #germania<\/a> #fyp<\/a> \u266c Sf\u00e2r\u0219itul \u00eenceputului \u2013 Djo<\/a><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Reinventarea identit\u0103\u021bii na\u021bionale prin intermediul inteligen\u021bei artificiale<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

Cele de mai sus sunt semne ale unei schimb\u0103ri con\u0219tiente \u00een comunicarea politic\u0103 actual\u0103. \u00cen Brandenburg, unde partidul este lider \u00een sondaje, au fost lansate o serie de reclame generate de inteligen\u021b\u0103 artificial\u0103 care prezint\u0103 o lume bipolar\u0103 \u00een care, pe de o parte, avem ora\u0219e germane curate, bine organizate, \u201efericite\u201d, cu cet\u0103\u021beni \u201earieni\u201d, iar pe de alt\u0103 parte, ora\u0219e \u00eentunecate cu \u201einvadatori\u201d din \u021b\u0103rile din Orientul Mijlociu \u0219i Africa care au ridicat la normalitate o franj\u0103 fictiv\u0103, duc\u00e2nd Germania spre dezintegrare (<\/span> 11<\/span><\/a> )<\/span> .<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Aceast\u0103 estetic\u0103 maniheist\u0103, prin intermediul inteligen\u021bei artificiale, produce imagini \u0219i scenarii care nu au nicio referin\u021b\u0103 experien\u021bial\u0103, ci activeaz\u0103 arhetipuri culturale, prejudec\u0103\u021bi \u00een care, prin conflictul dintre \u201ebine \u0219i r\u0103u\u201d, identit\u0103\u021bile sunt construite nu ra\u021bional, ci printr-o deriv\u0103 emo\u021bional\u0103 \u00een care predomin\u0103 frica \u0219i nesiguran\u021ba (<\/span> 11<\/span><\/a> ). Nu este o coinciden\u021b\u0103 faptul c\u0103 aceste videoclipuri au avut sute de mii de vizualiz\u0103ri, \u00een ciuda unor \u201edefecte\u201d evidente \u00een reprezentare, cum ar fi erorile de vizualizare.<\/span><\/span> <\/p>\n<\/p>\n

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@lifecreator777<\/a> #libertate<\/a> #libertate<\/a> #germanie\ud83c\udde9\ud83c\uddea<\/a> \u266c trailer cinematic de r\u0103zboi epic (1537552) \u2013 Chau<\/a><\/p>\n<\/section>\n<\/blockquote>\n

Conform lui Marcus B\u00f6sch, aceasta este definit\u0103 drept \u201eslopaganda\u201d, un tip de propagand\u0103 cu standarde estetice sc\u0103zute, dar cu o \u00eenc\u0103rcare emo\u021bional\u0103 puternic\u0103. Estetica retrofuturist\u0103, steagurile UE plasate central \u0219i temele care pream\u0103resc \u201em\u0103re\u021bia european\u0103\u201d sunt prezentate \u00een termeni impresionan\u021bi, o tendin\u021b\u0103 care pare s\u0103 c\u00e2\u0219tige caracter paneuropean, remarc\u00e2nd succesul \u0219i provoc\u00e2nd \u00eengrijorare, deoarece prevalen\u021ba emo\u021biei asupra argumentelor \u0219i a gestion\u0103rii ra\u021bionale a ideilor \u00eentr-o er\u0103 a crizelor multiple, \u00eentr-o Europ\u0103 care \u00eencearc\u0103 s\u0103 se reconstruiasc\u0103, poate duce la teratogenez\u0103 (<\/span>4<\/span><\/a> ); (<\/span> 5<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

Cum \u00eei asimileaz\u0103 AfD pe tineri?<\/strong><\/span><\/h3>\n

La urma urmei, ceea ce d\u0103 acestui tip de propagand\u0103 numele s\u0103u, \u201eparticipativ\u0103\u201d, este \u0219i motivul succesului s\u0103u, \u0219i anume unificarea politicii \u0219i a comunit\u0103\u021bii. \u201eEdit\u0103rile f\u0103cute de fani\u201d ale lui Alice Weidel, c\u00e2ntece cu conota\u021bii na\u021bionaliste, imita\u021bii ale discursurilor \u0219i fragmente sonore repetitive (Deutschland braucht die AfD = Germania are nevoie de AfD) constituie o nou\u0103 form\u0103 de participare politic\u0103. Sus\u021bin\u0103torii AfD nu par s\u0103 simt\u0103 c\u0103 pledeaz\u0103 pentru un partid \u00een sensul consolid\u0103rii puterii sale politice, ci mai degrab\u0103 c\u0103 apar\u021bin unei mi\u0219c\u0103ri digitale care le exprim\u0103 anxietatea na\u021bional\u0103 \u00eentr-un mod estetic familiar \u0219i recognoscibil social. Prin urmare, succesul comunicativ const\u0103 \u0219i \u00eentr-o politic\u0103 populist\u0103 a familiarit\u0103\u021bii care schimb\u0103 \u00een\u021belegerea noastr\u0103 asupra particip\u0103rii democratice \u00een meta-er\u0103 (<\/span> 2<\/span><\/a> )<\/span> ;(<\/span> 4<\/span><\/a> );<\/span> (<\/span> 8<\/span><\/a> );<\/span> (<\/span> 10<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00centr-un studiu similar, Institutul Economic German \u0219i<\/span> Funda\u021bia Amadeu Antonio<\/span><\/a> arat\u0103 c\u0103 AfD a construit cel mai extins ecosistem TikTok de \u201efani\u201d dec\u00e2t orice alt partid, un semn nu doar al succesului numeric, ci \u0219i al hegemoniei narative digitale<\/span> (1)<\/span><\/a> .<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Platforma TikTok transform\u0103 politica \u00eentr-o experien\u021b\u0103 cultural\u0103 continu\u0103, accesibil\u0103 \u00een c\u00e2teva secunde de sunet \u0219i imagine, permi\u021b\u00e2nd nara\u021biunilor relevante s\u0103 \u201eintre\u201d \u00een \u201epia\u021ba public\u0103\u201d cu o \u00eenveli\u0219 de divertisment, \u00eencorpor\u00e2nd un grup de v\u00e2rst\u0103 imatur politic \u0219i expun\u00e2ndu-l la con\u021binut ideologic care nu se situeaz\u0103 la nivelul ideilor, a\u0219a cum s-a observat, trec\u00e2nd posibil cu vederea originile politice ale activit\u0103\u021bii la care particip\u0103. Acceptarea semnificativ\u0103 a AfD de c\u0103tre tineri, 22% dintre cei cu v\u00e2rste cuprinse \u00eentre 14 \u0219i 29 de ani sus\u021bin\u00e2nd-o, conform unui sondaj recent, dezv\u0103luie o schimbare critic\u0103, aceea c\u0103 noua genera\u021bie nu este respins\u0103 de radicalism, ci \u00eel experimenteaz\u0103 ca autenticitate, \u00eentr-un peisaj politic pe care \u00eel percep ca un cerc \u201e\u00eenchis\u201d \u0219i destul de corupt de oameni \u0219i practici<\/span> (1)<\/span><\/a> ,<\/span> (2)<\/span><\/a> ,<\/span>(4)<\/span><\/a> .<\/b><\/span><\/p>\n

Gamificarea politicii func\u021bioneaz\u0103 \u0219i ca un instrument de incluziune social\u0103 pentru tinerii care se confrunt\u0103 cu alienarea sau se identific\u0103 ca fiind anti-sistem, unde oportunitatea de a contribui la politica de comunicare a AfD le ofer\u0103 vizibilitate digital\u0103, permi\u021b\u00e2ndu-le s\u0103 fie auzi\u021bi \u0219i v\u0103zu\u021bi \u00een \u201epia\u021ba public\u0103\u201d ca niciodat\u0103 \u00eenainte. Ace\u0219ti utilizatori g\u0103sesc \u00een activismul digital \u00een favoarea AfD nu doar con\u021binut, ci \u0219i recunoa\u0219tere, participare \u0219i comunitate, AfD beneficiind de absen\u021ba unui limbaj emo\u021bional corespunz\u0103tor din partea partidelor democratice (<\/span> 5<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Desigur, publicul acestui con\u021binut nu este format doar de cei marginaliza\u021bi din via\u021ba politic\u0103, ci \u0219i de tinerii din straturile sociale privilegiate, a\u0219a cum a ar\u0103tat incidentul de pe insula Sylt (o insul\u0103 luxoas\u0103 din Germania, cunoscut\u0103 pentru bog\u0103\u021bie, cluburi de plaj\u0103 \u0219i vizitatori de elit\u0103). Pentru acest grup social, problema nu este vizibilitatea \u0219i nevoia de a participa – nici m\u0103car identificarea complet\u0103 cu aceste idei – ci mai degrab\u0103 o rela\u021bie privilegiat\u0103 cu lumea f\u0103r\u0103 grani\u021be (co-)existen\u021b\u0103 \u0219i umplerea golului existen\u021bial prin c\u0103utarea identit\u0103\u021bii. A\u0219a-numi\u021bii \u201eWohlstandsverwahrloste\u201d (tineri care au crescut \u00een abunden\u021b\u0103, dar f\u0103r\u0103 \u00eendrumare moral\u0103 sau apropiere emo\u021bional\u0103) sunt atra\u0219i de starea de spirit confruntatorial\u0103 \u0219i de fa\u021bada \u201eanti-establishment\u201d a extremei drepte. AfD, printr-o pozi\u021bie anti-establishment care nu le amenin\u021b\u0103 interesele, le ofer\u0103 o voce \u0219i un scop \u201erevolu\u021bionar\u201d, astfel \u00eenc\u00e2t reproducerea sloganurilor naziste \u00een Sylt serve\u0219te drept test de identitate \u00eentr-un mediu f\u0103r\u0103 consecin\u021be, confirm\u00e2nd c\u0103 radicalizarea nu este un fenomen de clas\u0103, ci o construc\u021bie cultural\u0103 con\u0219tient\u0103, care poate fi \u0219i recompensatoare din punct de vedere social pentru participan\u021bii s\u0103i. \u00cen cele din urm\u0103, AfD nu le ofer\u0103 solu\u021bii, ci mai degrab\u0103 integrare, identitate \u0219i un adversar – \u0219i, prin urmare, un scop (<\/span> 6<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

De la campanie la experien\u021b\u0103<\/strong><\/span><\/h2>\n

\u00cen concluzie, noul tip de propagand\u0103 al AfD dezv\u0103luie c\u0103 o comunicare politic\u0103 eficient\u0103 (sic) \u00een era digital\u0103 nu func\u021bioneaz\u0103 doar dialectic prin pozi\u021bii \u0219i propuneri, ci realizeaz\u0103 mult mai mult atunci c\u00e2nd se aventureaz\u0103 \u00een domeniul esteticii, identit\u0103\u021bii \u0219i implic\u0103rii emo\u021bionale. Vizualizarea ideologiei nu caut\u0103 neap\u0103rat voturi; caut\u0103 distribuiri, meme-uri \u0219i co-creare. Acest lucru contureaz\u0103 un nou tip de \u201eparticipare\u201d, mai mult experien\u021bial\u0103 \u0219i emo\u021bional\u0103 dec\u00e2t ra\u021bional\u0103 (<\/span> 5<\/span><\/a> ).<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

AfD nu a profitat doar de comunicare prin intermediul capacit\u0103\u021bilor platformei, ci a construit o fantezie digital\u0103 hiperna\u021bional\u0103. La urma urmei, na\u021biunile nu sunt doar comunit\u0103\u021bi biologice, ci \u201econstructe imaginare bazate pe forme performative de memorie \u0219i tradi\u021bie\u201d (<\/span> 7<\/span><\/a> ). \u00cen cazul AfD, aceast\u0103 performativitate nu mai este reprodus\u0103 \u00een s\u0103rb\u0103torile na\u021bionale \u0219i manualele \u0219colare, ci \u00een buclele TikTok, \u00een sunetele \u0219i filtrele unei Germanii nostalgice, \u201epure\u201d, care poate nu a existat niciodat\u0103.<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ceea ce ne avertizeaz\u0103 fenomenul \u201epropagandei participative\u201d prin cazul AfD este c\u0103 sfera public\u0103 democratic\u0103 este amenin\u021bat\u0103 nu doar de represiune, ci \u0219i de participarea bazat\u0103 pe tendin\u021be, o posibil\u0103 identificare prin ironie, fric\u0103 \u0219i construirea unei comunit\u0103\u021bi \u00eenc\u0103rcate emo\u021bional care protejeaz\u0103 na\u021biunea \u0219i te cheam\u0103 la aceast\u0103 cruciad\u0103 digital\u0103 a memelor.<\/span><\/p>\n

R\u0103spunsul la acest fenomen nu poate fi pur \u0219i simplu o deconstruc\u021bie; dimpotriv\u0103, exist\u0103 o nevoie serioas\u0103 de a reinventa o cultur\u0103 democratic\u0103 a apartenen\u021bei, unde nevoile existen\u021biale ale tinerilor pentru o voce, pentru o comunitate, pentru un rol s\u0103 poat\u0103 fi exprimate. Pentru c\u0103, dac\u0103 na\u021biunea se poate reimagina cu filtre \u0219i erori ieftine, atunci democra\u021bia poate – \u0219i trebuie – s\u0103 devin\u0103 o experien\u021b\u0103 participativ\u0103; la urma urmei, a\u0219a a \u00eenceput, iar o \u00eentoarcere la r\u0103d\u0103cinile sale prin ra\u021bionalitate, mai degrab\u0103 dec\u00e2t prin vise iluzorii, poate readuce amintiri precum o nou\u0103 articulare a<\/span> l'imagination au pouvoir<\/span><\/a> .<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

<\/h3>\n

Note finale<\/b><\/span><\/h3>\n

1.Amadeu Antonio Stiftung, & Else-Frenkel-Brunswik-Institut. (2024).<\/span> Glisa\u021bi, aprecia\u021bi, vota\u021bi: Rechtsextreme Radikalisierung und Gegenstrategien auf TikTok<\/span><\/i> . Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung. https:\/\/www.fes.de\/public\/FES\/Newsletter-Bilder_APB\/PDFs\/FES-Analyse-Swipe-Like-Vote-v09.pdf<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

2. Beauduin, A. (martie 2025).<\/span> Domina\u021bia extremei drepte germane asupra re\u021belelor de socializare<\/span><\/i> . Centrul European pentru Ac\u021biune Digital\u0103. https:\/\/eucoda.org\/publications\/the-social-media-domination-of-the-german-far-right\/<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

3. Blumenthaler, L. (2024, 26 martie).<\/span> Warum die AfD auf TikTok gerade so erfolgreich ist<\/span><\/i> . Amadeu Antonio Stiftung. https:\/\/www.amadeu-antonio-stiftung.de\/warum-die-afd-auf-tiktok-gerade-so-erfolgreich-ist-110311\/<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

4. B\u00f6sch, M. (2023).<\/span> Cum c\u00e2\u0219tig\u0103 partidele de extrem\u0103 dreapta pe TikTok<\/span><\/i> . marcusboesch.de. https:\/\/marcusboesch.de\/how-far-right-parties-are-winning-tiktok\/<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

5. B\u00f6sch, M. \u0219i Divon, T. (2024).<\/span> Sunetul dezinform\u0103rii: TikTok, propaganda computa\u021bional\u0103 \u0219i invazia Ucrainei<\/span><\/i> .<\/span> New Media & Society, 26<\/span><\/i> (9). https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1177\/14614448241251804<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

6. Thurau, K. (27 mai 2024).<\/span> De ce sloganurile naziste \u0219i xenofobia \u00eei atrag pe copiii boga\u021bi<\/span><\/i> .<\/span> Deutsche Welle<\/span><\/i> . https:\/\/p.dw.com\/p\/4gLe4<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

7. Hobsbawm, E. \u0219i Ranger, T. (ed.). (1983).<\/span> Inven\u021bia tradi\u021biei<\/span><\/i> . Cambridge University Press. https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1017\/CBO9781107295636<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

8. Kartte, F. (3 octombrie 2024).<\/span> Ce ne spune campania \u00eentunecat\u0103 a AfD din Germania despre dezinformare<\/span><\/i> .<\/span> Tech Policy Press<\/span><\/i> . https:\/\/techpolicy.press\/what-afds-dark-campaign-in-germany-tells-us-about-disinformation\/<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

9. Schmitz, R. (18 aprilie 2024).<\/span> Extrema dreapt\u0103 AfD din Germania prosper\u0103 pe TikTok. De ce?<\/span><\/i> NPR<\/span><\/i> . https:\/\/www.npr.org\/2024\/04\/18\/1245478934\/germanys-far-right-afd-is-thriving-on-tiktok-why<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

10. \u0160lerka, J. (17 aprilie 2025).<\/span> Cum au devenit virale extrema dreapt\u0103 \u0219i extrema st\u00e2ng\u0103 pe TikTok-ul german<\/span><\/i> .<\/span> Investigace.cz \/ Vsquare<\/span><\/i> .<\/span> https:\/\/vsquare.org\/how-the-far-right-and-far-left-went-viral-on-german-tiktok\/<\/span><\/a><\/span><\/p>\n<\/p>\n

11. B\u00f6sch, M. (2025, 4 martie).<\/span> 140: Propaganda paneuropean\u0103<\/span><\/i> . Substiva. https:\/\/tiktoktiktoktiktok.substack.com\/p\/140-pan-european-propaganda<\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Colaj de Yorgos Karagiorgos Elemente: \u00a9 Muhammet Okur \/ Al Jazeera \u00b7 \u00a9 RomaToday (graffiti: \u201eIl Ritorno\u201d \u2013 afi\u0219 de Laika, cu Alice Weidel \u00een uniform\u0103 nazist\u0103 cu musta\u021b\u0103 Hitler) Titlu: Die R\u00fcckkehr \u2013 Il […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":355,"featured_media":7645,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[714,717,570,718],"tags":[2503,1762,2098],"post_formats":[664],"coauthors":[],"class_list":["post-8356","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-actualitate","category-dezinformare","category-general-ro","category-tehnologie","tag-disinformation-ro","tag-misinformation-ro","tag-platform-governance-ro","post_formats-articole"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8356","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/355"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8356"}],"version-history":[{"count":77,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8356\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":23296,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8356\/revisions\/23296"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/7645"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8356"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8356"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8356"},{"taxonomy":"post_formats","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/post_formats?post=8356"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/ro\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=8356"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}