{"id":80055,"date":"2025-11-12T19:00:32","date_gmt":"2025-11-12T19:00:32","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/have-the-intellectuals-left-the-building\/"},"modified":"2026-01-23T14:45:21","modified_gmt":"2026-01-23T14:45:21","slug":"czy-intelektualisci-opuscili-budynek","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/czy-intelektualisci-opuscili-budynek\/","title":{"rendered":"Czy intelektuali\u015bci opu\u015bcili budynek?"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It was after the end of World War II that the awakening of this first generation came in, which acted on the pendulum of ideologies. Intellectualism was almost a public duty, not only political but also social, a means of socialization even for the younger generation. In those years, ideas became dangerous as they enjoyed popularity and could shape policies, and intellectuals\u2014from the lecture halls of Paris to the debates at MIT\u2014were not marginal, but rather, one might say, acted at the center of society.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It was the &#8220;age of ideologies&#8221; \u2014 when Marxism, existentialism, and liberalism still clashed in the caf\u00e9s of the Latin Quarter and the studios of the BBC, and public discourse still had the naivety to believe that thought could change the world. A typical example is Noam Chomsky&#8217;s text from that period, in which he wrote in<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/chomsky.info\/19670223\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">&#8220;The Responsibility of Intellectuals&#8221;<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> (1967) &#8220;it is the responsibility of intellectuals to tell the truth and expose lies.&#8221; This was his moral and political credo: that intellectuals, having access to knowledge, resources, and freedom of speech, have a special duty\u2014not just to comment, but to expose. A phrase almost emblematic of an era when public reflection was not an academic sport but an act of resistance.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" title=\"YouTube video player\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/6aqGYYBwKbQ?si=1Wow8tXihxz73CsD\" width=\"560\" height=\"315\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">That was once the case; today, intellectuals are viewed with suspicion. Of course, even earlier, intellectuals had acquired a status that was rather detached from social reality; they had a heavy and completely theoretical outlook. In Kundera&#8217;s book, <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Book of Laughter and Forgetting Mirek<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> learns from his girlfriend that she is disappointed with the way he makes love to her, telling him that he does it like an &#8220;intellectual,&#8221; a heavy insult, as Kundera points out below, because it implied that he was detached from the \u201chuman experience\u201d.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The word &#8220;expert,&#8221; let alone intellectuals, sounds like an exaggeration today, with documentation resembling a web of lies, and scientists being treated like bureaucrats. From tabloid headlines to political talk show screens, the ease of ignorance has become the new language of &#8220;candor.&#8221; The politician who &#8220;speaks simply,&#8221; who laughs at academics and promises to &#8220;take the country back from the intellectuals,&#8221; does not seem so dangerous because he seems familiar. Of course, some responsibility for this outcome lies with those who, in the effort to<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.politico.eu\/article\/europes-intellectuals-need-to-quit-playing-the-identity-game\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">define<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> what Europe is, in the battle of identities in general, while the citizens talked about rent and supermarket prices. Somewhere along the way, a rift was created between intellectual discourse and lived experience, a comparison that Kundera makes quite well, if one thinks about it.<\/span><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><iframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"\/\/players.brightcove.net\/1155968404\/r1WF6V0Pl_default\/index.html?videoId=4771374236001\" width=\"560\" height=\"315\" frameborder=\"0\" allowfullscreen=\"allowfullscreen\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Even &#8220;<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.marxists.org\/archive\/gramsci\/prison_notebooks\/problems\/intellectuals.htm\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">organic<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">&#8221; intellectuals (intellectuals who express and organize the consciousness of a social class, linking thought with action) become victims of anti-intellectualism. For those who embrace the latter view, this functions as the new symbol that says&#8221; I do not belong to the detached theorists, I am one of you.&#8221; And it is precisely this &#8220;popular (populist) self&#8221; that claims power. A typical<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/ravenjames.medium.com\/the-current-rise-of-anti-intellectualism-438a19927a2d\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">example<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> comes from the political laboratory of the West, the United States, with the dismantling of the US Department of Education, an idea that keeps coming back to conservative governments, not as the product of a technical plan but as a deep need to delegitimize education itself, to present knowledge as a conspiracy of the &#8220;educated.&#8221;<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Trump, he says, did not need a political program; he already had a phrase,<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> &#8220;I love the poorly educated,&#8221;<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> among those who voted for him, emphasizing this social group. The irony is that anti-intellectualism always dresses itself in the clothes of freedom, because it rejects authority not through critical thinking but through a type of mistrust where emotion replaces argument. Irony, of course, because it is completely contrary to the principles of the European Enlightenment on which Europe was founded, considering the writings of<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.persee.fr\/doc\/enfan_0013-7545_1989_num_42_4_1898\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nicolas de Condorcet<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in Rapport et projet de d\u00e9cret sur l\u2019organisation g\u00e9n\u00e9rale de l\u2019instruction publique, where he says <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">&#8220;As long as there are men who do not obey their reason alone, who receive their opinions from a foreign opinion, in vain would all chains have been broken; the human race would remain divided into two classes: that of men who reason, and that of men who believe.&#8221;\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Trump, he says, did not need a political program; he already had a phrase,<\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> &#8220;I love the poorly educated,&#8221;<\/span><\/i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> among those who voted for him, emphasizing this social group. The irony is that anti-intellectualism always dresses itself in the clothes of freedom, because it rejects authority not through critical thinking but through a type of mistrust where emotion replaces argument. Irony, of course, because it is completely contrary to the principles of the European Enlightenment on which Europe was founded, considering the writings of<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.persee.fr\/doc\/enfan_0013-7545_1989_num_42_4_1898\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nicolas de Condorcet<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> in Rapport et projet de d\u00e9cret sur l\u2019organisation g\u00e9n\u00e9rale de l\u2019instruction publique, where he says <\/span><i><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">&#8220;As long as there are men who do not obey their reason alone, who receive their opinions from a foreign opinion, in vain would all chains have been broken; the human race would remain divided into two classes: that of men who reason, and that of men who believe.&#8221;\u00a0<\/span><\/i><\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">So what does all this mean? Perhaps it ties in with the findings of the<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/cepa.org\/article\/the-alarming-embrace-of-anti-democratic-ideas-by-young-europeans\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Centre for European Policy Analysis<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> study, which showed that young people aged 18\u201324 in countries such as Bulgaria, Hungary, and Slovakia express a preference for &#8220;strong leaders&#8221; who do not need a parliament, a sign that dialectical and ideological relations are being undermined in favor of practical supremacy. However, the crisis is cognitive in nature: young Europeans do not reject democracy because they necessarily hate it, but because they do not understand it as an intellectual endeavour. The issue seems more like a complex logistical system than an everyday act of thinking, and this disconnection from the intellectual dimension of public life is fueled by a broader environment of mistrust.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">And this is when the<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/link.springer.com\/article\/10.1007\/s11217-025-10012-9?\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">right-wing<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> populist imagination in Europe portrays universities as &#8220;places of moral corruption and elitism,&#8221; something that exists as a pattern and is noted with the same, if not greater, intensity in America. The above is reiterated in the European Commission&#8217;s<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.europarl.europa.eu\/RegData\/etudes\/STUD\/2025\/754484\/EXPO_STU%282025%29754484_EN.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">EU Strategy to Face Narratives Against Democracy<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> study, warning that this web of ideas, this narrative, &#8220;intellectuals are out of touch,&#8221; &#8220;the elite do not understand ordinary people&#8221; is the foundation for the deconstruction of democratic consensus.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Anti-intellectualism in this context is not expressed through attacks on universities but through a more insidious social narrative, that complexity is the enemy and simplicity is a virtue, a blunt razor of Occam. On top of this, another<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/theloop.ecpr.eu\/romanias-2025-elections-and-the-allure-of-anti-intellectualism\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">narrative<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> is being constructed, as it seems, in Romania\u2014far-right politicians consider intellectuals to be &#8220;national traitors&#8221; who undermine national values, of course, this view is rather exportable and not exclusive to Romania.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Across Europe, the erosion of trust in intellectual authority has evolved into a defining feature of political life. What once manifested as skepticism toward academia or bureaucracy has now taken the shape of open hostility toward knowledge itself \u2014 a populist valorization of instinct, emotion over evidence. Anti-intellectualism has become a symbolic language of authenticity, a way for leaders to frame themselves as \u201cof the people\u201d and for citizens to resist what they perceive as distant, moralizing elites. From Rome to Warsaw to Athens, attacks on independent institutions, universities, and figures of rational accountability reveal a shared anxiety toward intellect as power. The rhetoric varies,\u00a0 sometimes defiant, sometimes cynical, but the impulse is to turn ignorance into &#8220;virtue&#8221; and criticism into &#8220;betrayal&#8221; of the nation and its identity.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In October 2018,<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.ilgiornale.it\/news\/politica\/salvini-contro-i-professoroni-io-sono-ignorante-voi-dove-1589483.html\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Matteo Salvini<\/span><\/a> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">openly questioned expertise during a live broadcast on Facebook, saying: &#8220;Io sono ignorante, ma voi dove eravate?&#8221; (&#8220;I am ignorant, but where were you?&#8221;) in response to the &#8220;professoroni,&#8221; a derogatory term he used for economists and lawyers who had criticized his government&#8217;s budget plans. Salvini named Tito Boeri and Ugo De Siervo, dismissing their economic arguments as the grumbling of detached elites who had let Italy down. He went on to say, &#8220;I am a humble, ignorant minister,&#8221; arguing that common sense is more important than academic knowledge. He was directly following Italy&#8217;s long populist tradition of presenting scholars and institutions as obstacles to &#8220;true Italians,&#8221; breaking down the divide between demagoguery and authenticity.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/verfassungsblog.de\/repression-of-freedom-of-expression-in-poland-renewing-support-for-wojciech-sadurski\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Poland<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, since 2015, the ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party has been repeatedly accused of interfering with university autonomy and targeting critical intellectuals. The case of constitutionalist Wojciech Sadowski is a prime example: after publicly speaking out in favor of the rule of law, he faced lawsuits and legal proceedings organized by government circles and pro-government media. This case does not only concern an academic, but reflects a systematic effort to restrict freedom of expression and delegitimize critical thinking in universities as an indirect expression of anti-intellectualism.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The case of Christos Rammos in Greece once again accurately encapsulates the conflict between the institutional logic of transparency and a political culture that often treats knowledge and control as a threat. The former president of the Hellenic Data Protection Authority, who found himself at the center of the wiretapping scandal, spoke openly of<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.dnews.gr\/eidhseis\/politikes-eidhseis\/537320\/xristos-rammos-dexthika-dolofonia-xaraktira\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">&#8220;character assassination,&#8221;<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\"> denouncing a hostile environment toward independent authorities and documented accountability. A few months earlier, the New Left party had nominated him for the position of<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.protothema.gr\/greece\/article\/1576273\/hristos-rammos-den-epithumo-na-eimai-upopsifios-gia-ti-thesi-tou-proedrou-tis-dimokratias\/\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\"> <span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">President of the Republic<\/span><\/a><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">, a move that highlighted his institutional credibility; but he declined, denouncing &#8220;petty political calculations&#8221; and &#8220;partisan strategies.&#8221; This episode showed exactly how an attack on the independent, rational voice of a public official can serve as a mirror of contemporary anti-intellectualism, an intolerance of knowledge and criticism.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To conclude, the rejection of intellectualism, either in a more brutal format or a more subdural; both in the form of public and non-public intellectuals, journalistic dialogue, even as an act of individual progression through structures such as universities, has roots that are nourished by political populism, elitism, and information fatigue. Instead of theory being translated into lived experience, in terms of justice and prosperity, reflection on these issues begins to seem arrogant when the problems of everyday life are pressing, and citizens forget that democracies do not run on autopilot.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This tension is actively exploited by politicians, particularly on the far right, who present \u201cintellectuals\u201d as out-of-touch relics trapped in their ivory towers \u2014 or worse, as traitors to the nation when they dare to speak. The fear of being heard becomes, paradoxically, another form of silencing, a mechanism through which independent thought is delegitimized, and the intellectual\u2019s heterotopia \u2014 their space of distance and reflection \u2014 is reframed as deviance from the social order.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Yet this rhetoric, while feeding the anti-democratic arc, has been indirectly sustained by the liberal mainstream itself \u2014 by decades of market-driven policies and technocratic governance that failed to deliver more democracy to those below. The result is a double alienation: intellectuals mistrusted for their distance, and citizens disillusioned by a democracy that no longer feels participatory. When crises multiply and inequalities deepen, the people are not merely excluded; they are made to feel politically bankrupt, trapped in a system that both demands their faith and denies them agency.<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Europe of our time is not threatened by ignorance, but by its acceptance as organic. Thought fatigue is the new status quo, a mild, polite nihilism wearing the mask of realism. And within it, democracy is eroding under a grimace of indifference.<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>It was after the end of World War II that the awakening of this first generation came in, which acted on the pendulum of ideologies. Intellectualism was almost a public duty, not only political but [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":355,"featured_media":61180,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[709,647,569,706],"tags":[21475,1750,21476,21477,21478,4088,3713,1968,21479,21480,1969,21481,21482,7611,21483,21484,14935,1754,21485,1755,7002,21486,18626,21487,3287],"post_formats":[655],"coauthors":[4037],"class_list":["post-80055","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-dezinformacja","category-laczac-kropki","category-ogolne","category-sprawy-biezace","tag-academia","tag-afd-pl","tag-anti-intellectualism","tag-babis","tag-civic-life","tag-culture-pl","tag-democracy-pl","tag-education-pl","tag-elites","tag-enlightenment","tag-europe-pl","tag-europe-2025","tag-freedom","tag-ideology-pl","tag-ignorance","tag-le-pen","tag-media-pl","tag-misinformation-pl","tag-orban","tag-politics-pl","tag-populism-pl","tag-public-discourse","tag-society","tag-thought","tag-trump-pl","post_formats-artykuly"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/80055","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/355"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=80055"}],"version-history":[{"count":7,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/80055\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":80062,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/80055\/revisions\/80062"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/61180"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=80055"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=80055"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=80055"},{"taxonomy":"post_formats","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/post_formats?post=80055"},{"taxonomy":"author","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.pulse-z.eu\/pl\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/coauthors?post=80055"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}